Posts Tagged ‘articles’

New article on autonomy [free download]

Sunday, April 10th, 2011

The article below was just published in the book below. You can download the article as a pdf here.

Reinders, H. 2011 ‘Towards an operationalisation of autonomy’. In: Ahmed, A. Cane, G. and Hanzala, M. Teaching English in Multilingual Contexts: Current Challenges, Future Directions. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p. 37-52.

FROM AUTONOMY TO AUTONOMOUS LANGUAGE LEARNING

Hayo Reinders
Middlesex University

Abstract
Learner autonomy is an educational concept that attracts a lot of attention worldwide. A recent count showed 17 conferences in less than two years dealing with autonomy or related topics. In the years since Henri Holec first proposed a formal definition of autonomy as a language educational concept (1981) many other definitions have been put forward but there remains a great deal of discussion around these. In this article I argue that rather than defining autonomy (which is extremely challenging), it may be both easier and more meaningful from a pedagogical point of view to attempt a definition of the behaviour that characterises autonomy, i.e. autonomous learning. This article first traces the historical roots of autonomy before proposing a model of autonomous learning that will be a first step to help practitioners to better understand the scope and meaning of the term, and will also help to better implement and assess autonomy in their learners.

Keywords: learner autonomy, independence, self-direction, educational psychology.

Introduction: the emergence of learner autonomy as an educational concept
In order to understand the meaning of the term ‘learner autonomy’, it is important to understand its background and its emergence as a pedagogical concept. This development has taken place over a period of at least 40 years, and has been subject to changes in education, science, and also broader political and societal developments. Below I will describe these developments individually, bearing in mind that together these developments did not take place linearly.

Autonomy and political developments in education

Autonomy as a political concept originated perhaps as early as with Aristotle and has, mainly through Kant, played an important role in both the philosophical and practical expression of political developments in the 20th century. After WW II a great number of minority rights movements (feminist, ethnic etc) sprang up that used the concept to express their ideas about the right to freedom of choice. They regarded education as an empowering tool that would instill in people an awareness of these issues. As Jane (1977, cited by Holec 1981, p.3) says:

‘Adult education should become an instrument for arousing an increasing sense of awareness and liberation in man, and, in some cases, an instrument for changing the environment itself. From the idea of man ‘product of his society’, one moves to the idea of man as ‘producer of his society’.’

In this view it is the individual who is responsible and active in shaping his or her own life and therefore that of others. Education has to prepare learners for this role, which involves teaching them the skills necessary to take control over the processes and content of learning. In the words of Collins & Hammond (1991, p.13) ‘…it begins with the assumption that the ultimate purpose of education is the betterment of society, and that critical awareness and social action to promote emancipation are desirable results of any educational intervention’. A later development of this thinking is the Language Awareness Movement (Hawkins 1981, 1984, James & Garrett 1991) and related approaches (cf. Van Lier 1995). These recognised the political influence of ideas that learners hold about learning, their own and others peoples’ language, its use and its consequences. Their aim is to increase peoples’ awareness of the political aspect of language. These developments have had a considerable influence on the concept of learner autonomy.

Autonomy and the effects of societal changes on education

After WW II the demand for foreign and second languages increased sharply (Gremmo & Riley 1995). International trade, easier communication, cheaper transport, a range of international political developments (such as the founding of the UN), and migratory movements all led to an increase in the teaching of foreign and second languages. These developments also influenced the content of what was taught, as communicative skills became more important than ever before. Broady & Kenning (1996, p.10) link this to a demand for different language skills:

‘Using language effectively for communication involves negotiation of meaning, rather than mere decoding of linguistic tokens, thus requiring the ability to cope confidently with unpredictable information.’

Global changes in the availability of information (cheaper print materials, computer databases, the internet) also heavily influenced what was expected of people in terms of dealing with large amounts of (new) information, relating it to other information and interpreting it (Lamb & Reinders 2005, Pemberton 1996). People now needed skills that allow them to adapt to quickly changing circumstances and develop new skills, for there was no longer a fixed body of knowledge that could be transmitted to learners. The increase in the number of university students has resulted in rising costs and some have argued for a long time that it is no longer possible to teach all students all they need to know (Trim 1976). Crabbe (1993, p.443) cites Van Ek (1975):

‘The economic argument is that society does not have the resources to provide the level of personal instruction needed by all its members in every area of learning. Therefore individuals must be able to provide for their own learning needs [...] if they are to acquire the knowledge and skill they want.’

Changes in the ways societies work, learn and live, have thus led to the need for life-long learning skills, or the ability to direct one’s own learning and to respond to changes in one’s situation by choosing and managing future learning in the most appropriate way. Education today must provide the skills necessary for this process. On an international level this has been recognised by the European Council which has stimulated research in this area (cf. Holec & Huttunen 1997).

Autonomy and sociolinguistics

Sociolinguistics views language as inseparable from its sociocultural context. It considers language as a tool for communication that is used in a social context. Individuals with personal needs and intentions learn to express themselves in relation to the groups they are part of. They use the language to share, maintain, and influence a certain social reality. In this view it is not enough to learn a language as the sum of its linguistic features, but one also needs to know how to use the language appropriately. For teaching practice this means allowing social reality to be a part of the learning experience. Because social reality changes constantly and because learners influence it as well as are influenced by it, teachers cannot teach everything about a language. Learners influence the social context and therefore the language and its use. Learners therefore become more important members of a classroom community. The greater understanding of the social aspects of language and language learning has led to an increased understanding of the role of the individual in the learning process and the importance of valuing and supporting that role. In this way, developments in sociolinguistics have contributed indirectly to the development of the concept of learner autonomy.

Autonomy and psychology

In the 1950s and 60s, there was a broad development in the field of psychology away from behaviourism, with its view of learning as a change in behavior, towards an increased focus on the individual. Constructivism played an important role at this time. It sees knowledge as a reorganisation and restructuring of experience; something that cannot be directly taught, because it is a unique process for every individual (cf. Candy 1991). The same applies to language learning where learners thus actively construct their own target language through unique experiences. In psychology, humanism as ‘the study of personality focussing on the individual’s subjective experience – his or her personal view of the world’ (Atkinson 1993, p.544) became increasingly influential. It gave a central place to the unique individual. Experiences and insights were considered more important than behavior alone:

‘It is not the events and texts themselves that are ingrained in his memory but the object of his attentions. How he has apprehended the matter and what he has done with it.’ (Kelly 1955, p.35)

Psychologists like Kelly (1955, Bruner (1966), and Maslow (1968) all emphasized the role of the individual and his or her specific needs and these ideas had a strong influence also on education. For the development of learner autonomy especially the work of Carl Rogers has been influential. He too regarded the tendency of human beings to fulfil or actualise all of their capacities as the main motivation for personal growth. It is the learner who learns and not the teacher who teaches. The teacher facilitates learning in learners, and the quality of this interaction is largely based on the relationship between them, where trust and empathy make learning experiences more pervasive and therefore make a difference to the behaviour of the learner. For the same reason, it is ultimately the learner who is the only person able to evaluate progress (Rogers 1969).

The work of Stevick (1980) relates to this in that it sees as a critical task for the teacher the enhancement of this process of self-fulfillment and therefore the facilitation of learning. A genuine interest in the student, his or her work and personal experience are a prerequisite for success. Stevick further writes about the need to strike a balance between control and initiative. The teacher acts as an expert on the subject matter, for example making comparisons with the learner’s linguistic production and that of a native speaker, or that of a learner and his previous production. The amount of control or initiative is flexible.

Self-fulfillment and personal growth are strongly influenced by affective factors such as motivation and courage. Research in this field has influenced language teaching methodologies and several teaching methods have arisen from it, such as Suggestopedia (Lozanov 1978) and the Silent Way (Gattegno 1963). More importantly perhaps, these insights have had a considerable influence on all teaching methodologies by emphasizing the needs of the individual and the focus on personal development rather than the transmission of some abstract body of knowledge.

The connection with a learner’s personal development determines the meaningfulness of new knowledge. If learning is not perceived by a learner to be meaningful, it is less likely to be incorporated into his or her internal schemes. It might be learned and remembered, but not become part of a learner’s internal representation of the world. In this context, Marton (Marton, Hounsell & Entwistle 1984) and Rivers (1983) talk about the distinction between ‘school knowledge’ and ‘action knowledge’, where the latter becomes more internalised and can therefore also be applied outside the school (or any other environment). This type of learning is related to autonomous learning, since no teacher can make the link to these internal schemes directly. Ultimately, this is perhaps where real autonomy lies. Learners have to work actively with these internal schemes themselves. They need to compare new information with existing knowledge, look for similarities, organise new knowledge logically etc. We touch here upon a distinction made between active and proactive learners (Knowles 1975). In short, active learners take responsibility for this process whereas proactive learners wait for external stimuli and help. In relation to learner autonomy, Dickinson says (1995, p. 14)

‘…there is convincing evidence that people who take the initiative in learning (proactive learners) learn more things and learn better than do people who sit at the feet of teachers, passively waiting to be taught (reactive learners)…They enter into learning more purposefully and with greater motivation.’

These findings have influenced several methodologies. The project-syllabus (Legutke & Thomas 1991) tries to involve learners more actively in the learning process. This is also the underlying idea of the process syllabus (Breen 1987). The learner-centred approach, (more influenced by humanistic psychology than cognitive psychology) gives learners a central place in education. Nunan (1995, p. 134, see also 1988) defines learner-centredness:

‘…the key difference is that in a learner-centred curriculum, key decisions about what will be taught, how it will be taught, when it will be taught, and how it will be assessed will be made with reference to the learner.’

This focus on the learner and his or her unique ways of learning was also influenced by research into learning styles (Willing 1988) and learning strategies (Oxford 1990). It was found that different learners approached learning tasks in different ways. This meant that classroom instruction had to take into account these differences (and that therefore they had to be understood properly in the first place), in order to make the learning experience maximally useful to the largest number of students possible. This thinking directly influenced the (further) development of learner-centred approaches in language education. A different implication was that it might be possible to identify ways in which successful learners differ from less successful learners. Identifying the characteristics of the ‘good language learner’ (Naiman et al 1978, Rubin 1975) became an important impetus for research. One suggestion of this research was that good learners are more involved n the learning process; they participate actively (Wesche 1979), they are self-motivators (Ushioda 1996), they are good self-assessors (Hagen, Barclay & Newman 1982), good monitors (Weinstein & Rogers 1985) and they generally know more about themselves and about their learning than less successful learners (Wenden 1991). These ideas directly influenced the development of the concept of learner autonomy. They are closely related to the area of metacognition, which is the focus of the next section.

Autonomy and metacognition
In the section above I have already touched upon the subject of metacognition several times. Metacognition is our knowledge of cognitive processes. Flavell (1970) was the first to coin the term and referred to it as our awareness of the learning process. According to Hacker, Dunlosky & Graesser (1998), metacognitive awareness consists of three parts: thinking of what one knows (metacognitive knowledge), thinking of what one is currently doing (metacognitive skill) and thinking of what one’s current cognitive or affective state is (metacognitive experience). What is important, is that all this knowledge, the beliefs and perceptions are related to learner autonomy, in that they are needed to make informed decisions about one’s learning. If it is the aim of education to let learners take charge of their own learning (for whichever of the reasons mentioned in the preceding paragraphs), then they need to be able to plan, monitor and evaluate their learning. And in order to do so, they need to be metacognitively aware. As O’Malley & Chamot (1985) summarise it:

‘Students without metacognitive approaches are essentially learners without direction and ability to review their progress, accomplishments and future learning directions.’ (p.24)

The relationship between metacognitive awareness and learning gains has yet to be explored. One of the few examples is a study conducted by Jones et al. (1987, cited in Sinclair 1999) who found that metacognitive awareness was related to success in language learning in that effective learners were aware of the processes underlying their own learning processes and attempted to use appropriate strategies to manage their own learning. However, the relationship is as yet unclear and depends on many factors. Hacker, Dunlosky & Graesser (1998, p.10) summarise :

‘Whether people can monitor and regulate their thinking, how and when they monitor and regulate, and whether greater chances for success are realised through monitoring and regulating depends on the task, the demands posed by the task, people’s knowledge of the task, and the kinds of cognitive strategies they can bring to bear on the task. However, equally important is how people assess themselves as self-regulatory organisms, as ‘agents of their own thinking.’ (Kluwe, 1982, p.222)

However, it is clear that metacognitive awareness is an important element in learning and crucial to the development of learner autonomy (Wilkins 1996, Wenden 1999). In the words of Little (1997, p. 37) : ‘Clearly, the development of explicit metalinguistic awareness is fundamental to our capacity for autonomy as language users’.

Autonomy and consciousness
Intrinsically related to the previous discussion about the role of metacognition is the debate about the role of consciousness in language learning. It is also related to learner autonomy, as autonomous learning requires metacognitive awareness and awareness is a form of consciousness. Schmidt (1995) identifies four different types of consciousness:

consciousness as intention: is learning on purpose, intentional versus incidental
consciousness as attention: noticing and focusing
consciousness as awareness: having knowledge of learning
consciousness as control : automatised performance of tasks

Van Lier (1996) gives a useful analogy to clarify the differences between these different types of consciousness; the unconscious person is in a coma, the unaware goes through life in a daze, and the inattentive person will sooner or later get run over by a car. Schmidt suggests that people not be aware of learning, but do need to notice things in order to learn them. He (1995) summarises:

‘Attention is required for all learning…I have also argued that detection (in the information processing sense), subjective awareness at the level of noticing, and learning all coincide. Learning at the higher level of understanding also seems crucial in most cases, and where generalisation without awareness does seem to take place this is accomplished through simple associative learning applied to a rich memory base, rather than the unconscious induction of abstract rules.’ (p.45)

He concludes by giving learners advice on how to learn, telling them to pay attention to input, to compare between native speakers’ language and their own and build hypotheses on this. He finishes by saying that ‘nothing comes for free’, which is what is relevant to our discussion of learner autonomy. Research on the ‘good language learner’ has found that learners who are more active participants in the learning process generally outperform those who are less active. Research on strategy use has found that better learners use more strategies and that they use them in a more flexible way. Linking this to the study of consciousness in learning, it seems that a deliberate, or at least an attentive conscious effort has to be made for learners to learn the most. This is probably also where motivation plays a role. Motivation makes us more active, makes us want things and do our best to achieve them. Paying attention, comparing, building hypotheses, are all characteristics of the autonomous language learner. The more autonomous language learner is, in short, more consciously involved in the learning process.

Defining autonomous learning
All the disciplines discussed above have influenced thinking about language teaching and learning and especially about the role of the language learner in the learning process. The process syllabus (Breen 1984), the learner-centred approach (Nunan 1988) and many other approaches and methodologies are a result of this, but more importantly the individual learner now occupies a more central place in the language classroom. Learners are generally encouraged to be more responsible for their own learning both inside and out of the classroom and there is an increased focus on developing the skills necessary for this. The interest in the development of learner autonomy was not set in a theoretical framework until the late 1970’s, when all these streams of thought found a synthesis in the ideas put forward by Holec (1981). He defined learner autonomy as ‘the ability to take charge of one’s own learning’ (p.3). This ability includes ‘a potential capacity to act in a given situation – in our case learning – and not the actual behaviour of an individual in that situation’ (p.3). The actual behaviour is autodidaxy. So for Holec learner autonomy is an ability, not an action. Some authors concur, such as Little (1991, p.4) who defines it as ‘a capacity for detachment, critical reflection, decision-making, and independent action’ (although a ‘capacity’ may imply variability in its use). To Little there is a certain amount of awareness (‘critical reflection’) involved. Also to Nunan (1995, p.145) the ability is crucial : ‘learners who have reached a point where they are able to define their own goals and create their own learning opportunities have, by definition, become autonomous.’ To others, different elements play a role. For Huttunen (1986, p.95) the act of a certain type of learning is important: ‘A learner is fully autonomous when he is working individually or in a group, taking responsibility for the planning, monitoring and evaluation of his studies…’

If we look at the discussed definitions, we find that they focus on autonomy as either an ability or as a particular kind of learning act. These definitions seem to be incomplete. To have an ability to do something but not do it would hardly be useful. For example, a student can have the ability to take charge of his or her learning but still decide to be highly teacher-dependent and take no initiative whatsoever. On the other hand, if autonomy is defined as a student taking responsibility without having the ability to do so, then for example any blind act of randomly choosing materials from a library shelf could be seen as a display of autonomy, which of course it is not.

What seems to be missing in these definitions is an emphasis on the role of consciousness in the learning process. Poor language learners also use learning strategies, but often not the most efficient ones, or they don’t use them in an efficient manner. They may also make choices about what to learn when forced to do so, but these choices are not likely to be the best ones. They are not conscious of some aspects of their way of learning, or their current knowledge, or of the existence of alternative learning strategies. Lai (2001) talks about this when she makes the distinction between learners’ conceptual understanding (metacognitive awareness) of various aspects of self-directed language learning, and their actual ability (methodological techniques) in planning for this kind of learning. The conceptual understanding is important. Brookfield (1986, p.29) says :

‘It may be possible to be a superb technician of self-directed learning in terms of one’s command of goal setting, instructional design or evaluative procedures, and yet to exercise no critical questioning of the validity or worth of one’s intellectual pursuit as compared with competing, alternative possibilities.’

Chené (1983, p.42, cited in Brookfield 1986, p.57) puts it simply : ‘to be resourceful and to be independent do not equal the achievement of autonomy.’ Candy (1991) refers to this as the distinction between situational and epistemological autonomy. Clearly, there is more to autonomous language learning than just a certain capability.

It could be said that the perfect language learner (who, of course, does not exist), is at the very least completely conscious of his or her learning, and all aspects related to the learning process. The perfect learner then has the potential to use all the internal and external resources available. Affective and social filters will influence actual performance, but all the available potential skills are employed to the fullest. The perfect language learner, then, would not be the one who is the fastest learner, or the most accurate learner, but is the one who uses all of his or her capacities in the most efficient way, and who handles the social and affective aspects of the learning process to the best advantage through self-regulation and self-motivation. The fully autonomous language learner in other words is the one who develops him or herself maximally, and represents an idealistic, psychological concept.

There is, however, also a political aspect to autonomy as discussed in the preceding sections. It is this aspect, I believe, to which Holec’s (1981) definition mainly refers. It is the ability to create the possibility of learning when and where and what one wants to learn. It involves control, and that is a political concept. In a way political autonomy precedes psychological autonomy, because political autonomy allows students to use (and develop) their psychological autonomy. Consciousness again plays a role, for political autonomy requires consciousness of the society we live in and of ourselves and our role in that society. The following model presents all the factors that influence the occurrence of an autonomous act of learning.

Figure 1: a model of autonomous learning

On the left hand side are elements related to Control. This refers to the political aspect of autonomy. Learners have to have the opportunity to take responsibility for their learning. However, this is alone is not sufficient. They need to be aware of this process and need to actively take responsibility for creating the opportunities that allow them to learn as they see fit. Empowerment is the job of society and its educators. If, and only if, this condition is met the right-hand section of the model applies. ‘Self-motivation’ refers to the process whereby learners are aware of the need to take responsibility for this affective aspect of their learning. External motivators (including teachers, materials, etc) can support this.

Other affective and social) factors influence what kind of learning, if any, will take place. Classrooms need to remove social and affective barriers. If the learner has the opportunity (political aspect), is motivated and if no other affective, or social factors prohibit learning from taking place, then the actual act of learning is possible. This requires a degree of consciousness on the part of the learner, as argued above. Awareness-raising, for example as part of a course, can facilitate this aspect. Learners need to have knowledge of their state of mind, the task at hand, their personal goals etc. They also need skills (the ability) to plan, monitor and evaluate their learning based on this information. Education should develop or enhance the necessary knowledge and skills.

It is only if all these conditions are met, that we can speak of an act of autonomous learning. As a definition I thus propose:

Autonomous language learning is an act of learning whereby motivated learners consciously make informed decisions about that learning.

It is important to note that it is not possible or necessary during all acts of learning to be able or willing to consciously make decisions. Different learning situations pose different demands. Autonomy is not an either-or concept, but has to be seen as a continuum. One can be more or less autonomous and be so in different learning situations. Autonomy fluctuates over time, between skills and within skills. It is difficult to attain and is not necessarily permanent (once acquired it is not necessarily retained). It is for this reason that the definition speaks of autonomous learning rather than autonomy as a fixed capacity.

Operationalising autonomy
Previous definitions have focused on different aspects of learner autonomy. By tracing the historical roots of learner autonomy as an educational concept grounded in political, societal and educational developments that have spanned many years, I hope to have shown that it is in fact a multi-faceted concept that consists of several layers. I also hope that the definition above shows that it is not possible, or at least not helpful, to speak of a learner as ‘autonomous’ or ‘not autonomous’ but that it is far more helpful to look at the actions a learner is engaged in and classify this as more or less autonomous learning. This has two pedagogical advantages. Firstly it avoids pigeon-holing students by applying some kind of static label to them. Instead of seeing learners as having or not having a certain capacity for autonomy, we can focus on their learning behavior in a particular context, and perhaps adapt our teaching, or the teaching context to suit our learners better. The second advantage is that by focusing on learning behavior, it is easier to identify, assess, and by extension encourage the development of autonomous learning. Instead of talking about autonomy as some kind of fixed and rather abstract entity, we can see it as a dynamic process that teachers and learners collaborate to achieve.

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New article available – Extensive Listening Practice and Input Enhancement on the Mobile Phone

Saturday, February 26th, 2011

This was published in Tesl-ej a few months ago. You can read the pdf here, or the text below.
Happy reading!

Extensive Listening Practice and Input Enhancement on the Mobile Phone

Hayo Reinders – Middlesex University, London
Min Young Cho – University of Hawaii

Encouraging Out-of-class Learning with Mobile Phones
The use of mobile phones and other mobile devices for educational purposes has received increasing attention in recent years (Chinnery, 2006). Teachers and materials designers are starting to explore the potential of ubiquitous, relatively cheap and increasingly powerful devices as potential sources for (supporting) learning and teaching. This is partly in response to learner expectations: already in 2003 a study (Thornton & Houser, 2003) found that young Japanese learners preferred to use their cellphone for almost everything, from emailing to reading books and this trend has continued, also outside Japan. A recent study in Taiwan showed that language learners enjoyed learning with their mobile phones, largely because they could learn when and where they wanted but also, interestingly, because they felt that the ‘bite-sized chunks’ of learning content (due to limitations such as screen size) were actually helping them to manage their learning (Chen, Hsieh & Kinshuk, 2008). There are other potential pedagogical advantages too. Mobile phones are taken everywhere and can therefore support situated learning (Kukulska-Hulme & Traxler 2005). For example, a second language speaker who needs to see a doctor could access relevant vocabulary and expressions while actually at the clinic. Situated learning theory holds that learning is more likely to take place when the information is contextually relevant to the learner and when it can be put to use immediately (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Related to this is the obvious fact that phones are social tools; they facilitate all forms of communication and collaboration between peers. In this way they support social and constructive activities, as supported by sociocultural theories of learning.
Another advantage of mobile devices is that they can help minimise the separation between the classroom and the out-of-school environment (Reinders & Lewis 2009). Applied linguistics agree on little when it comes to theories for explaining language learning but one thing seems clear; more exposure to the target language and more practice (‘time on task’) generally explain most of the variation in students’ success. Any tool then that can help increase students’ access to the language will be helpful for long-term success.
In Korea, as in most EFL settings, many students do not seem to take up opportunities for practice such as those afforded by the internet, TV, or magazines and there is a general reluctance to seek out ways of engaging with the English language outside the classroom. We were keen to encourage our learners to feel comfortable to be exposed to English and to feel in control of their independent learning experience. Using mobile phones to give students access to English, in particular for extensive listening practice, seemed a logical choice.

Extensive Listening through Audiobooks
Extensive listening is in many ways similar to extensive reading; students primarily focus on meaning rather than form, and are exposed to texts for relatively long stretches at a time. The purpose is to provide students with as much input to the target language as possible. Extensive listening has been shown to have considerable benefits for vocabulary development, accent recognition, and also students’ productive skills, in particular pronunciation and speaking (cf. Renandya & Farrell, 2010). There are also benefits to developing motivation. Many students report great satisfaction when they are fist able to understand a news broadcast or a TV programme, for example (Ryan, 1998). However, extensive listening practice is difficult to do in class for practical reasons, and the classroom may not be the best place if the aim is to get students into the habit of engaging with the language on their own and to encourage them to take ownership of their practice. It is therefore important to find ways for students to listen to music, presentations, radio programmes, or other spoken text, as frequently as possible.
One type of spoken text that has become very popular in recent years is the audiobook. These are books that are read out loud, usually by professional speakers. There are both abridged and unabridged books, and there are also many graded readers that come with cassettes or CDs (surprisingly, not (yet) as downloadable audiofiles). They have the obvious advantage that they encourage students to listen for meaning, over extended periods of time, and therefore have the same benefits that extensive reading of printed books brings. Books can be bought from vendors (Audible is the most popular site for authentic materials and most publishers that sell graded readers also have audiobooks available), but there is also an increasing number of sites that offer free audiobooks, notably Project Gutenberg (www.gutenberg.org). Audiobooks are offered in thousands of different titles, both fiction and non-fiction, recent popular books and classics. It is therefore relatively easy to find titles that are interesting to learners, or relevant in the context of a particular course.

Input Enhancement
As important as it is to encourage extensive listening and listening for meaning, previous research has shown that drawing learners’ attention to more formal aspects of the language, such as a certain grammar point, in an otherwise meaning-oriented activity (such as a classroom activity, or when reading a book), can help learners to remember the grammar point better (see Norris & Ortega 2000 for a meta study). We were therefore interested to encourage our learners to pay attention to both form and meaning, without interrupting their listening, for example by giving them specific grammar instruction. One way to do this is through input enhancement. This is a technique that simply involves manipulating the L2 input in some way that makes it more likely that learners will notice certain parts of it. For example, in a written text, each occurrence of the past perfect could be underlined, or each indefinite article bolded. There are many studies of input enhancement that show that it has the potential to get learners to pay attention to form while keeping their main focus on the meaning of the input.
Input enhancement is almost always done in writing. In our case we used it for listening by digitally manipulating the audiobook and by slightly raising the volume of each occurrence of the passive and adverb placement in the book. Below we describe how we did this.

How We Did It
Participants in this project were 79 freshman students enrolled on a business administration programme at a University in Korea. All of them were taking a compulsory course in ‘Academic English for Business Majors’, which focuses on the development of communicative skills. Most of the students in the class were at the intermediate level. Their main areas of weakness were in listening and speaking.

Step 1 – Selection of the Listening Materials
We chose listening materials based on the level of the recording and the interests of our students. Extensive listening is quite demanding as learners cannot (or at least are not supposed to) control the speed of the recording, nor go back to a previous section. Also, for most of our Korean learners, listening to an entire book would be a new experience. Our priority was thus to select a title that was somewhat challenging but easy and interesting enough to encourage learners to persist and enjoy listening to it. After examining vocabulary levels, average sentence complexity, and book length, we selected a popular story book title called ‘Frankenstein’ by Mary Shelley, a relatively short mystery book about a monster created by a man and how destructive it can be without being loved . The text consists of both narration and conversations, and is only two hours long. Also, it was level 3 and thus considered low-intermediate. This seemed ideal for our purposes.

Step 2 – Identifying a Target Grammar Structure
Once we had selected the book we decided on one grammatical structure that we wanted to highlight. We decided on passives because we knew these to be somewhat familiar to our students, but not fully developed. Most students are aware of passives but because of a lack of exposure to authentic input, are not familiar with recognising them in longer stretches of text, or in spoken contexts. We were interested in the students noticing and learning the difference between:
The young man was exhausted by the events of the week.
*The young man exhausted by the events of the week.

There were a total of 55 passives in the text.

Step 3 – Digital Input Enhancement
Next, we had to make the grammatical feature stand out from the surrounding text in some way. We decided to artificially either slow down each occurrence of our target structure by about 25 % or put pauses before and after each occurence. This made the target items noticeably salient but not so much so that it would not interrupt their listening experience.
We extracted the files and converted them to mp3 files using a free programme called CDex. Then, the mp3 files were imported into Audacity, a free audio editing programme, and target items were enhanced (either slowed down or surrounded/inserted by pauses).

Step 4 – Transferring the Listening Materials
We uploaded the files to the University’s course management system and asked students to download the materials to their mobile phones. For language teachers who do not have access to an institutional course management system, a free alternative is Moodle, or free web services such as Google apps for education.

Step 5 – Instructions to the Students
Extensive listening is not familiar practice for most EFL learners, certainly not in Korea, so it was important for us to explain to students what the purpose and benefits of the exercise were. We told students to ‘simply enjoy the story’ and not to worry about understanding every word or expression, and to ‘just keep listening’. We told them not to use dictionaries or grammar books, but to listen to the story as they would listen to a story in Korean. We also told them not to listen to the book more than once or to rewind while listening. To help them get started we gave them some background information to the story and some information about the author. We told students that the book would be discussed in class and that therefore everyone had to listen to it. We gave students one week to complete the book. They were also told that the book would be talked about in class and that they would be asked about the content of the book on their final exam. We did not tell them about the grammar points we had enhanced. These grammar points were not covered in class in that week (or in the weeks prior).

How Did It Go?
One important goal for us was to motivate students to engage in extensive listening and to give them more exposure to English outside the classroom. In this we were generally successful. Most students were enthusiastic about using their mobile phones for learning and were excited about being given practice materials that they could use in their own time and outside the classroom. Some students specifically mentioned that they did not feel the same pressure as they often experienced in class, or the same expectations as with ‘regular’ homework. The fact that they were told to simply listen to the story and did not have to memorise vocabulary or study the content for a test increased their enjoyment. Others said that it was an exciting experience as they felt like they could easily access to English materials while waiting for friends or travelling on the bus; time that would otherwise have been lost. Students also liked having materials available to them on their mobile phones, as they carry these with them at all times and are able to control when and for how long to listen to the materials. As a result, we suspect that this type of activity can have longer-term positive benefits, both by increasing the chances of students accessing English materials, and also by lowering students’ affective filter and increasing their motivation.
Not all students were positive though. Some said that they found the changes in tempo distracting and one student even thought there was a technical problem with the recording. Unlike more common forms of input enhancement, such as bolding or underlining, perhaps students need to be told to pay attention to those parts of the text that are slower or separated by pauses.
Our second purpose was to encourage students to focus not only on meaning but also on form, in our case passives. Our intention was to empirically investigate whether they had noticed and acquired these features simply by listening to the story. However, we encountered several problems. Firstly, it was clear that some students had in fact listened to the book more than once. Although we were pleased with their enthusiasm, this did make it impossible to make comparisons between student as they had not received the same amount of exposure as other students. Finally, some students had already read the book before , making it difficult to determine the effect of listening to the book. As a result, we are unable at this point to say whether the input enhancement had any effect. We intend to conduct a more controlled study in the next course.

Lessons Learned
The use of mobile phones for extensive listening practice, seems to hold promise, as does the use of input enhancement in spoken texts. However, there are some points to keep in mind when considering the use of either the tool or the technique. In our first attempt at using audiobooks we made a number of mistakes, the most important of which was that we did not link the listening activity closely enough with what happened in class. Therefore, some students did not complete listening to the books. Perhaps they saw the activity as less important, because it was not clearly tied in with the rest of the curriculum. It is important to, at least initially, treat the listening activity as any other type of learning task: it needs clear instructions, a purpose, and a feedback mechanism. Students will need to understand what the purpose of the activity is (sometimes students stop and look up every word they don’t know) and perhaps show them some strategies for extensive listening first. You could ask students to do something after listening to the book, such as post a review on a publisher’s website, or (if their writing skills are not yet advanced), a rating on a site like Amazon. You could build on the story in class and ask students to tell each other what they thought of it. Most importantly, students probably will need to feel that they are supported in some way. This also applied to the use of input enhancement; without instructions on, or at least familiarity with, the use of volume to make certain grammar points stand out in the spoken text, some students were confused, or even distracted.
There are some other potential downsides to using mobile technology. Although this does not apply in Korea, in many countries not everyone has a mobile phone and even where students do, they may not want to use it for school purposes. It is important to consider issues of access to the technology, ease of use and privacy before requiring students to use their phones for educational purposes.

Conclusion: Using Mobile Phones for Language Teaching
Activities such as the one we outlined above are based on research in second language acquisition and, we believe, are pedagogically sound, but have the added benefit of using a tool that our learners are intimately familiar with. Mobile technology has real potential to extend learning opportunities outside the classroom and give learners more control. In the next course we aim to create more extensive activities around the books. We also aim to investigate empirically the effects of the extensive listening and the input enhancement technique, and to study other types of input enhancement, such as for example increasing the volume. For now, we are excited about the possibility of mobile learning and plan to include it in our teaching more often. Based on our first experiences, we are convinced our students will appreciate this.

Referenes
Chen, N., Hsieh, S., & Kinshuk. (2008). Effects of short-term memory and content representation type on mobile language learning. Language learning & technology, 12(3), 93-113.

Chinnery, G. (2006). Going to the MALL: Mobile Assisted Language Learning. Language learning & technology, 10(1), 9-16.

Kukulska-Hulme, A., & Traxler, J. (2005). Mobile Learning: A Handbook for Educators and Trainers (1st Ed.). Routledge.

Lave, J. & Wenger, E. (1991) Situated Learning. Legitimate peripheral participation, Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press.

Norris, J. M., & Ortega, L. (2000). Effectiveness of L2 instruction: A research synthesis and quantitative meta-analysis. Language Learning, 50, 417-528.

Reinders, H. and Lewis, M. 2009 ‘Podquests. Language games on the go.’ In: Andreade, M. (Ed.), Language Games. Alexandria: TESOL. (Series: Classroom Practice).

Ryan, S. (1998). The Internet TESL Journal, Vol. IV, No. 11.

Thornton P. & Houser C. (2003) Using mobile web and video phones in English language teaching: projects with Japanese college students. In Directions in CALL: Experience, Experiments & Evaluation, B. Morrison, C. Green & G. Motteram (Eds.), pp. 207–224. English Language Centre, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong.

Renandya. W. & Farrell. T. (2010) ‘Teacher, the tape is too fast!’ Extensive listening in ELT, ELT journal (forthcoming)

Useful Sites

http://audacity.sourceforge.net/download/

Free audio editing software
www.gutenberg.org
Thousands of free e-books and an increasing number of free audiobooks.
www.audible.com
A commercial site offering thousands of audibooks read by professional readers.
www.moodle.org
Free course management software

article: The effects of two types of enhanced input on intake and the acquisition of implicit and explicit knowledge

Wednesday, June 23rd, 2010

The effects of two types of enhanced input on intake and the acquisition of implicit and explicit knowledge
as published here:
Reinders, H. & Ellis, Rod 2009 ‘The Effects of Two Types of Positive Enhanced Input on Intake and L2 acquisition’. In: Ellis, R., Loewen, S., Erlam, R., Philp, J., Elder, C., Reinders, H. Implicit and Explicit Knowledge in a Second Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

The tables are not showing proper formatting but email me and I’ll send them to you.

HAYO REINDERS and ROD ELLIS

Introduction

The importance of ample input for second language acquisition is uncontroversial. At the same time, evidence exists (for example from studies in immersion settings) to show that even with massive exposure certain aspects of the language develop slowly or not at all (Swain, 1988). This appears to apply especially to formal features that are semantically redundant and/or that are difficult to notice. The study of the incidental acquisition of 3rd person –s reported in the preceding chapter of this book provided clear evidence of this, as the learners failed to improve their accuracy of this feature despite intensive exposure to it. It appears that such aspects require some form of instructional intervention, although it remains unclear what type of intervention is most effective. One instructional possibility is ‘input enhancement’.

The term input enhancement was used by Sharwood-Smith (1991, 1993) to refer to attempts to direct the learner’s attention to a specific linguistic form in the input. Sharwood-Smith argued that this term is to be preferred to the earlier term he used to refer to same idea (‘consciousness-raising’) because it makes no assumption as to whether the input alters the learner’s mental state. ‘Input enhancement implies only that we can manipulate aspects of the input but makes no further assumptions about the consequences of that input for the learner’ (1993, p. 176). Sharwood-Smith includes a number of techniques under the umbrella term of ‘input enhancement’ and makes a distinction between positive and negative input enhancement. The former refers to the manipulation of the input learners are exposed to. The latter refers to input that is enhanced by means of explicit instruction and/or corrective feedback. In this article we are concerned only with positive input enhancement.

This chapter reports a study that investigated the effect of two different types of input enhancement (input enrichment and input enrichment + noticing instruction) on both the intake and acquisition of a difficult grammatical structure (negative adverbs). As in the previous studies in this part of the book, the effect of the instruction will be measured in terms of both implicit and explicit L2 knowledge. First, the key constructs that inform the study will be defined. Then a number of studies that have examined the types of input enhancement we are interested in will be examined.

Definition of the key constructs
The specific types of input enhancement we are interested in are (1) ‘enriched input’ (i.e. input that has been seeded with the target structure so that learners are exposed to a high frequency over a period of time) and (2) enriched input combined with an explicit instruction to the learners to pay attention to the target structure – i.e. ‘noticing instruction’. Both constitute focus on form techniques, as this construct was defined by Doughty and Williams (1998a). That is, focus-on-form instruction is an attempt to focus learners’ attention on form in the context of an activity where their primary attention is on meaning. The particular feature of focus on form instruction that the two types of input enhancement address is what Doughty and Williams (1998b) refer to as ‘learner attention’, which they differentiate in terms of whether the technique involves ‘attracted’ attention or ‘directed’ attention. Enriched input, we would argue, constitutes an example of attracted attention, as the high density of sentences containing the target structure is predicted to cause the learners to notice it. In contrast, enriched input combined with an explicit instruction to pay attention to the target structure constitutes ‘directed attention’. Both types can be considered examples of unobtrusive focus-on-form in Doughty and Williams’ taxonomy. In this respect, they contrast with obtrusive techniques such as input-processing instruction (VanPatten, 1996) and consciousness-raising tasks (Fotos & R. Ellis, 1991).

Enriched input is input that has been manipulated in some way. There are various ways of doing this – glossing, bolding, underlining, or increasing the frequency of the target feature (sometimes referred to as ‘input flooding’). Studies that have investigated enriched input draw on Schmidt’s Noticing Hypothesis (1990, 1994), which states that, in order for learners to acquire from input, they must first pay conscious attention to exemplars of particular forms. By artificially increasing the saliency of the target structure, it is thought that learners will notice and thus acquire the structure more easily. The technique used in the study reported in this chapter was that of artificially increasing the frequency of the target structure. The reason for choosing this type of enriched input was because it is one of the least obtrusive of the available options. Whereas typographical enhancement and glossing direct participants’ attention to the target structure, increasing the frequency of the target feature simply makes it more likely that the learners will notice it.

Enriched input in the context of a meaning-focused activity caters to incidental learning. This is defined operationally by Hulstijn (2003) as the learning that results when learners are provided with L2 input without telling them that they will be tested afterwards. One way in which this can be achieved is by engaging learners in a communicative activity where their attention is focused on extracting meaning from input and then testing whether they have learned a specific linguistic feature in the input. As Hulstijn points out (and as noted in the preceding chapter) most of the studies of incidental acquisition have examined vocabulary and there are very few studies that have investigated grammar learning. In the study reported in this chapter participants in the enriched input condition were asked to complete meaning-focused tasks but were not told they would be tested on the target structure (or tested at all). This condition, then, involved incidental learning. It should be noted, however, that this condition for incidental learning differs from that in the preceding chapter in that here no attempt was made to distract the learners’ attention by focusing on a different grammatical structure. Learners were free to attend to the target structure (negative adverbials) as they processed the input for meaning

Noticing refers to the cognitive activity that learners engage in when they consciously attend to some linguistic feature in the input. Once learners have noticed a feature they are able to rehearse it in short-term memory and thus increase the likelihood of acquiring it (i.e. integrating it into their interlanguage). Input can be enhanced by means of an instruction to the learners to pay attention to a specific feature. The instruction might simply ask the learners to look out for exemplars of the target feature or it might ask them to try to work out the rule to explain how the target feature works. Both types of instruction are likely to encourage intentional learning but the former probably less than the latter. In a context where the learners’ attention is primarily focused on the meaning of the input and where they are simply asked to look out for the target structure and are not forewarned they will be tested on the structure it is less clear that they will engage in intentional learning. It is for this reason that we labeled this condition in our study the Noticing Condition rather than the Intentional Learning Condition.

The study also draws on two other constructs; intake and acquisition. As McLaughlin (1987) pointed out, the term intake ‘has taken on a number of different meanings, and it is not always clear what a particular investigator means in using it’ (p. 13). Some theorists view intake as an initial stage of learning, intermediate between input and acquisition. Gass (1997), for example, distinguishes a number of stages starting from raw input. Several factors (including time pressure, frequency, affect, salience, associations and prior knowledge) influence whether input gets noticed, or apperceived. Apperception is conceptualized as a priming device that prepares the learner for the possibility of subsequent analysis and intake, which Gass defines as the ‘process of assimilating linguistic material’ (p. 5). Intake can thus be conceptualized as apperceived input that has been further processed. Other theorists, however, use the term to refer to the entire process of acquisition. Chaudron (1985), for example, defines it as ‘the mediating process between the target language available to learners as input and the learners’ internalized set of L2 rules and strategies for second language development’ (p. 1). Kumaravadivelu (1994) likewise defines intake as a complex process starting with detection and ending with acquisition. It is difficult to see how intake can be distinguished from learning in such definitions. In this study we adopt Gass’ position and seek to distinguish intake from acquisition. We define intake as a subset of the detected input (comprehended or not) that is held in short-term memory and from which connections with long-term memory may be created or strengthened.

Not surprisingly given the differences in the definition of intake, a range of operationalizations of this construct exist. Rosa & O’Neill (1999) recommend using performance measures such as recall protocols, cloze tests, grammaticality judgements, and rule formation, all to be administered soon after the treatment or exposure to the target input. Leow (1993, 1995) also used multiple-choice recognition tasks and gave participants very limited time to complete their tasks, which were administered immediately after exposure. Shook (1994) made use of both production tests (cloze test, sentence completion) and a recognition test (multiple-choice sentence completion) all of which were administered immediately following the exposure. Shook claims that ‘it is most improbable that the data collection procedures used could reflect anything except the immediacy of Process I [the input-to-intake stage], and thus this study does not reflect any acquisition of the grammatical input’ (p. 85). What is common to all these methods is the attempt to probe what is held beyond short-term memory and to avoid measuring existing knowledge. The key lies in assessing what learners have noticed immediately after (but not during) exposure to input. In this study we used a production measure; we took correct use of the target structures in written output produced shortly after exposure to the enhanced input as evidence of intake.

The final construct we will consider is acquisition. As in the rest of this book, two types of knowledge are distinguished – implicit knowledge and explicit knowledge. These two types of knowledge were defined in Chapter 1 of the book. The acquisition of these two types of knowledge can be measured using grammaticality judgment tests. As shown in Chapters 2 and 4, where it was shown that a grammaticality judgement test with limited response times predispose learners to draw more on implicit knowledge while a test with unlimited response times can allow learners to access more explicit knowledge, especially in the case of the ungrammatical sentences in the test. This is the approach to measuring acquisition that will be followed in this study.

Previous studies of enhanced input

The following review will only consider studies where the target feature was grammatical. The review will consider studies where learners were simply exposed to enriched input and studies where learners’ attention was directed towards the target structure (i.e. an attempt was made to induce noticing of the target structure)..

A key question regarding the efficacy of enriched input is whether learners actually notice the target structure. This was investigated in a study by Jourdenais, Ota, Stauffer, Boyson and Doughty (1995). They found that English speaking learners of L2 Spanish were more likely to make explicit reference to preterit and imperfect verb forms when thinking aloud during a narrative writing task if they had previously read texts where the forms were graphologically highlighted. They also found that the learners exposed to the enhanced text were more likely to use past tense forms than the learners who read the non-enhanced text even though both texts had been enriched. It should be noted, however, that in this study the target structure was highlighted. In this respect the enriched input of Jourdenais et al’s study differed from the enriched input of the study reported in this article.

A number of studies have investigated whether enriched input results in acquisition. Trahey and White (1993) examined whether an ‘input flood’ (viewed as ‘positive input’) was sufficient to enable francophone learners of L2 English to learn that English permits adverb placement between the subject and the verb (French does not) but does not permit placement between the verb and object (French does). Exposure occurred 1 hour a day for 10 days. The target structure was not highlighted in any way. The learners succeeded in learning the SAV position but failed to ‘unlearn’ the ungrammatical SVAO position. In a follow-up test administered one year after the treatment, however, Trahey (1996) found that the beneficial effects of the input flood on the acquisition of SAV had disappeared.

J. White (1998) compared the effects of three types of enriched input; (1) typographically enhanced input flood plus extensive listening and reading, (2) typographically enhanced input by itself, and (3) typically unenhanced input flood. This study found that the three types of enriched input worked equally effectively in assisting Francophone learners to acquire the possessive pronouns his and her, leading White to conclude that the target structure was equally salient in all three.

While several studies have investigated the effects of enriched input, very few have investigated the effect of enhanced input involving noticing instructions. Leeman, Artergoitia, Fridman and Doughty (1995) examined the effects of input enhancement on the acquisition of preterit and imperfect Spanish verbs forms that were highlighted in written input. The learners were told to pay special attention to how temporal relations were expressed in Spanish and received corrective feedback from the teacher. Posttests showed that the learners outperformed a comparison group that did not receive the enhanced input. However, because they received instruction involving several options, it is not possible to claim that the benefits were solely due to the enriched input.

Leow’s (1998) study also investigated the effects of a noticing instruction. Following Tomlin and Villa (1994), Leow distinguished three levels of noticing (alertness, orientation and detection) and set out to investigate these by asking learners of L2 Spanish to perform a crossword that required attention to the irregular third-person singular and plural preterit forms of stem changing –ir verbs. Orientation was operationalized through a noticing instruction: ‘Please note that some of the forms of the verbs are irregular’. The opportunity for detection was provided by ensuring that the irregular forms needed to complete some of the clues were available in a number of the other clues. While all four groups were designated as + alertness, they differed in terms of whether they were – orientation/ – detection (Group 1 – the control group), + orientation/ – detection (Group 2), + orientation/ + detection (Group 3) and – orientation/ + detection (Group 4). The results showed that Groups 3 and 4 outperformed both the control group and Group 2 on all the posttests but did not themselves differ significantly. In other words, the groups that had the opportunity to detect the target forms in the input outperformed those that did not, and simply orientating the learners to the existence of the form without the opportunity for detection had no effect.

A number of studies have investigated the effects of instruction that involved simple exposure to the target structure through enriched input and instruction that included explicit reference to the target structure (often in the form of rule presentation).
Alanen (1995) conducted a study with four groups; (1) a control group, (2) an ‘enhancement group’ which received just enriched input in two fifteen minute instructional periods, (3) a ‘rule group’ that received just explicit instruction and (4) a ‘rule + enhanced group’ that received both enriched input and explicit instruction. The enriched input took the form of two short texts in which the target features had been italicized. Learning was measured by means of a sentence completion task, a grammaticality judgement task, and a rule statement task. The learners were also asked to think aloud during the treatment. The main finding was that groups (3) and (4) outperformed groups (1) and (2). Also, there was no difference between groups (1) and (2) or between groups (3) and (4). One reason why the enriched input had no clear effect on acquisition in this study might have been that the period of instruction was too short.

Rosa and O’Neill (1999) compared the effects of instruction directed at learning the Spanish contrary to fact conditional (a complex structure) by university-level learners of L2 Spanish. Four types of instruction were included in this study; (1) rule explanation + rule search, (2) rule explanation + no rule search; (3) no rule explanation + rule search; (4) no rule explanation + no rule search. Acquisition was measured by means of a time-pressured multiple-choice recognition task while think-aloud protocols were used to measure awareness of the rule. Awareness was operationalized as a verbal reference to the target feature during task execution and thus might be considered a measure of intake. Two types of awareness were distinguished – “noticing” if no reference was made to the underlying rules and “understanding” if there was. All the groups improved from pre- to posttest. The instructed condition (i.e. (1)) proved superior to the enriched input only condition (i.e. (4)). Also, more aware participants, both those showing greater “noticing” and those showing greater “understanding”, performed better on the multiple-choice recognition task.

Radwan (2005) also investigated the effects of instruction involving a focus on meaning only compared with input enhancement and rule provision on learning, and awareness of English dative alternation. He also investigated if differences in awareness affected learning. Forty-two lower-intermediate participants were pretested for prior knowledge of the target structure, and one day later given a short story to read which contained a high number of datives. Reading of the short story was followed by comprehension questions. The next day, a similar treatment was administered but in addition participants were given a narration task which involved describing a set of pictures. Participants were asked to think aloud while completing the task in order for the researcher to gauge their awareness. The treatments were followed by a posttest (one day later) and a delayed posttest (one month later). A control group only completed the tests. Radwan found a significant advantage for the rule-group over the other groups, which failed to make significant progress. This advantage was maintained on the delayed posttest. He also found that participants showing a greater degree of awareness during the narration task did better on the tests. However, awareness at the level of noticing was not as good a predictor of learning as awareness at the level of understanding.

It is not easy to draw clear conclusions from these studies. Although they have investigated what appear to be similar constructs (e.g. enhanced input, noticing, intake, directed learning) they have operationalized these in very different ways, drawing on very different disciplines in doing so (i.e. different schools of psychology and language pedagogy). As a result, it is difficult to compare results. The following conclusions, therefore, must be viewed as tentative:
1. There is some evidence that enriched input can help L2 learners acquire some new grammatical features and use partially learned features more consistently although it may not enable learners to eradicate erroneous rules from their interlanguage. Enriched input appears to work best if the instructional treatment provided learners with extensive exposure to the target features and was relatively prolonged (i.e. ‘input flooding’). Enriched input both with and without highlighting of the target structure has been shown to assist acquisition.
2. Enhanced input consisting of a noticing instruction may assist noticing and acquisition.
3. Noticing appears to be related to learning especially if it involves ‘detection’ and ‘awareness’.
4. Simple exposure to enriched input typically results in low levels of awareness of the target structure.
5. Exposure to enriched input has been consistently shown to be less effective than instruction that is more explicit (e.g. a rule-search or an explicit instruction condition).
Finally, it is worth noting that none of the studies reviewed above attempted to distinguish the effects of enhanced input on the acquisition of implicit and explicit L2 knowledge. It should also be noted that many of the studies used grammaticality judgement tests to measure acquisition but invariably these were of the untimed type.

The study reported below builds on the previous research by examining the effects of enhanced input in two conditions: (1) input that has been enriched by seeding with the target structure and (2) enriched input combined with a noticing instruction. A unique feature of the study is that it will examine the effects of these two types of enhanced input on both intake and acquisition. A further feature is that we will attempt to distinguish acquisition in terms of implicit and explicit knowledge.

Method

The research questions this study addressed were:
1) What are the effects of enhanced input on a) intake and b) acquisition of English negative adverbs?
2) What difference is there in the effects of two types of enhanced input (i.e. enriched input and enriched input + noticing) on a) intake and b) acquisition of English negative adverbs?
Enhanced input was operationalized by means of three reproduction tasks. In the case of the enriched input condition learners completed meaning-focused tasks that had been seeded with several examples of negative adverbs. In the case of the enriched input + noticing condition learners completed the same tasks but were also instructed to pay attention to the position of the auxiliary verb in the sentences in the tasks’ input. Measures of intake were obtained from the participants’ performance of the treatment tasks. Acquisition was measured by means of a timed and an untimed grammaticality judgment test.

Design

Participants completed the pretests and were then randomly assigned to one of the two treatment conditions (enriched input vs. enriched input + noticing). Each participant completed a treatment task on three separate occasions in their selected condition. Immediately following the third occasion the posttests (a timed and an untimed grammaticality judgment test) were administered. The delayed posttests were administered one week later. There was no separate control group in the study. However, as an alternative to a control group, the participants’ performance on the items measuring knowledge of negative adverbs (the target structure) was compared with their performance on distractor items in the tests. Table 1 summarizes the design of the study.

Table 1: Design of the study
Week 1 – Pretest (all participants)
Week 2-3-4 – Treatments
Negative adverbs
Enriched input N=17
Enriched input + noticing N=11
Week 4 Immediate posttest
Week5 Delayed posttest
.

Participants
Participants were 28 students from an upper-intermediate proficiency level in a New Zealand private English language school. They volunteered to join the study in exchange for financial compensation of approximately NZD$10 per hour. Sixteen of the participants were female and 12 male. Fifteen of them came from East Asia (Japan, Korea, China) and four participants came from Switzerland. Altogether, participants came from a total of eleven different countries and had ten different first languages. Most of the participants had lived in an English speaking country for less than six months.

The participants had been given an in-house placement test earlier in the year to determine their class level. After one week, consultation between the student and the classroom teacher, and where necessary the Director of Studies, took place. The school considered upper-intermediate level students to be the equivalent of level B2 of the European Framework. That is, it was expected that students:
Can understand the main ideas of complex text on both concrete and abstract topics, including technical discussions in his/her own field of specialization. Can interact with a degree of fluency and spontaneity that makes regular interaction with native speakers quite possible without strain for either party. Can produce clear detailed text on a wide range of subjects and explain a viewpoint on a topical issue giving the advantages and disadvantages of various options (Council of Europe, 1996)
Learners at the upper-intermediate level were used in this study in the attempt to ensure that they were developmentally ready to acquire the target structure (negative adverbs) but without having yet done so.

Target structure
The target structure was negative adverbs with inversion of subject and auxiliary, as in this example:
Seldom had he seen such a beautiful woman.
Other negative adverbs requiring subject-verb inversion are “never”, “rarely”, “seldom” and “hardly.

R. Ellis (2006) proposed a number of criteria for determining the level of difficulty of grammatical structures as implicit and explicit knowledge. The difficulty of negative adverbs is now considered in the light of these criteria.
1. Difficulty of negative adverbs as implicit knowledge
Input frequency; negative adverbs are relatively rare as confirmed by an analysis of the British National Corpus (frequency ranged from 276 occurrences for ‘not only was’ to 3 for ‘seldom do’ and fewer for a range of other adverb/auxiliary combinations).
Saliency; negative adverbs can be considered salient in that they are sentence-initial but the inversion of subject and verb, which involves the use of an auxiliary, is probably less salient as the auxiliary is typically unstressed.
Functional value; the ‘function’ of this structure (the negative meaning associated with the adverb) is conveyed lexically and thus the subject-verb inversion is redundant.
Regularity; only negative adverbs require subject-verb inversion – other adverbs of time, place and manner (e.g. “yesterday”, “there” and “rapidly”) take normal subject-verb word order.
Processability; in terms of Pienemann’s (1998, 2005) hierarchical processing operations, negative adverbs with subject-verb inversion will be late acquired (i.e. they involve what Pienemann refers to as S-procedure).
2. Difficulty of negative adverbs as explicit knowledge
Conceptual clarity; negative adverbs with subject-verb inversion are functionally relatively simple but formally complex as they involve a variety of auxiliary forms; the declarative rule required to explain them is also not easily extractible from data.
Metalanguage: it will be difficult to avoid the use of metalanguage in articulating the declarative rule for negative adverbs (e.g. ‘’adverb”, “negative” “auxiliary”, “subject”, “main verb”).
In short, Ellis’ criteria indicate that negative adverbs with subject verb inversion constitute a difficult structure as both implicit and explicit knowledge. It should be noted, however, that Robinson (1996) used negative adverbs as his ‘easy rule’. Perhaps it can be considered ‘easy’ in comparison with the other structure Robinson investigated (pseudo-clefts of location) but it is likely that many learners will fail to acquire negative adverb structures without some form of instructional intervention. The purpose of the study was to examine whether intervention in the form of enhanced input can assist them to acquire it.

Treatment

This study used three types of treatment tasks (described below). Each treatment task consisted of oral or written input in the form of a text about a range of general interest topics that had been seeded with several instances of the target structure (i.e. the texts were enhanced in terms of the frequency of the target structure). Altogether each student was exposed to 36 sentences with negative adverbs. The nature of the exposure differed. In the case of the enriched input condition the learners were simply instructed to complete the tasks. That is, they were given no indication of what to look out for. In the case of the enriched input + noticing condition they learners were given the following instructions:
‘Listen carefully and pay attention to where the auxiliary verb comes in each
sentence. For example in the sentence ‘Rarely has so much rain fallen in such a
short time’ the auxiliary is ‘has’ and it comes before the subject of the sentence ‘so
much rain’.
That is, in the noticing condition their attention was specifically and explicitly drawn to the target structure.

Each student completed one the three types of tasks described below. Each student took part in three treatment sessions involving the same type of task. It should be noted that although different students completed different tasks, all three types of tasks figured equally in both the enriched input and the enriched input + noticing conditions. In the case of the former, five students completed the dictation task, 5 the individual reconstruction task and 7 the collaborative reconstruction task. In the case of the latter, 4 students completed the dictation task, 3 the individual reconstruction task and 4 the collaborative reconstruction task.

The treatment tasks were:
1. Dictation. Participants were asked to listen to a passage of about 60-70 words on a computer and write it out section by section as in a standard dictation. Before the actual treatment, they completed three practice passages. Participants first listened to the entire passage and then again section by section while writing out each section as they heard it. Each section contained no more than 10 words and mostly around seven or eight. The treatment thus involved immediate recall. There were four passages containing three target sentences in each treatment session.
2. Individual reconstruction. The individual reconstruction treatment involved delayed rather than immediate recall of the texts. Participants were asked to listen twice to a passage of about 60-70 words. Participants were allowed to take notes. They then attempted to reconstruct it by writing it out. While they were doing this, they were asked to talk-aloud (Ericsson & Simon, 1993). Instructions for this treatment were in the form of a video demonstrating talk-aloud.
3. Collaborative reconstruction. The collaborative reconstruction treatment was similar to the individual reconstruction treatment except that two participants were paired and were asked to reconstruct the text together. It therefore also involved delayed recall.
It should be noted that differences in performance of these three tasks was not the focus of the study reported in this chapter as both the enriched input and enriched input + noticing conditions involved all three tasks.

Tests

The same tests were administered on three occasions – as a pretest, an immediate posttest and a delayed posttest (see Table 1). There were two tests; a timed grammaticality judgment test (GJT) and an untimed GJT. A description of these follows.

Timed GJT. This test consisted of 50 sentences, 20 of which contained negative adverbs. Of these 10 were grammatical and 10 ungrammatical sentences. The other 30 items consisted of sentences with other adverbial structures relating to adverb position and to the difference in form between adverbs and adjectives. In this test sentences were shown on screen and participants had to press the “enter” key if they thought the sentence on the screen was correct, and the left-hand “shift” key if they thought it was not. The keys were labelled with stickers indicating “correct” and “incorrect”. There were eight practice sentences during which the researcher was present to give clarification where needed. The tests were first trialled on native speakers and similar learners in order to establish a time limit for each sentence. The time limit for each sentence was longer than the mean time taken by the native speakers on that sentence but shorter than that of the non-native speakers. The learners were given relatively more time on the earlier than the later items in the test. They were told that they might not be able to respond to all the items in time but that they should try to answer as many as they could.

Untimed GJT: The untimed test was the same as the timed test (i.e. consisted of the same sentences, although in a different order). However, there was no time limit for judging each sentence. Students entered their responses on the computer as for the timed GJT. Previous research (see Chapter 2) has shown that timed and untimed GJTs measure separate constructs. In line with the findings of these studies, we propose that the timed GJT (especially the grammatical sentences) provides a measure of the learners’ implicit knowledge and the untimed GLT (ungrammatical sentences) provides a measure of their explicit knowledge.

The reliabilities of negative adverb items and the control items were assessed by means of Cronbach Alpha and are shown in Table 2. The alphas ranged from a high of .928 to a low of .605.

Table 2 Reliability figures for the grammaticality judgement tests
Pre Tim Pre Unt Post Tim Post Unt Dpt Tim Dpt Unt
Control 0.841 0.725 0.928 0.789 0.84 0.852
Negative adverb 0.605 0.770 0.779 0.882 0.732 0.857
Pre = pretest, Post = posttest, Dpt = delayed posttest, Tim = timed, Unt = untimed.

Analysis
The tasks and tests completed by the learners were used to obtain the following measures: (1) intake of the target structure, (2) acquisition of L2 implicit knowledge of the target structure and (3) acquisition of L2 explicit knowledge of the target structure. The measures are described below.

Intake. As discussed in the introduction, intake can be operationalized as information held in short-term memory after exposure to the target language. Intake then, needs to be determined immediately after exposure to the target feature. In the present study correct suppliance of the target items during the treatments was taken as a measure of intake. The time between hearing the input and reproducing it was sufficiently long to prohibit mimicking but sufficiently short for it to remain in short-term memory. This is self-evidently the case for the individual and collaborative reconstruction tasks as the learners could not have memorized the whole texts they had heard. It was also likely in the dictation task as the chunks the learners were asked to reproduce were too long for easy memorization. The reproductions of the learners were inspected and occasions where they attempted to reproduce a sentence with a negative adverb identified. Responses were judged as correct as long as the participants inverted subject and auxiliary. Spelling and other errors not relating to the target structures were discounted (e.g. one learner spelt ‘do’ as ‘to’). Also, there was no expectancy that learners would reproduce the exact words of an input sentence. For example, for the sentence “No sooner does there seem to be a solution then another problem arises”, one learner responded:
No sooner is it solution … and the other problem is the ice
Here the wrong auxiliary was chosen but the word order was correct so the sentence was scored as correct. However, any sentence starting with an adverb and followed by a subject were scored as “incorrect”. Sentences with no auxiliary (e.g. No sooner that I arrived…) or without a subject (e.g. No sooner had arrive) were also scored as incorrect.

Implicit L2 knowledge. The implicit knowledge scores were arrived at by totalling the number of correct judgments that the learners made in the timed GJT. Total scores and also separate scores for the 10 grammatical and the 10 ungrammatical sentences were calculated as previous research has indicated that these measure separate constructs (R. Ellis, 2005; Hedgcock, 1993). To measure acquisition of implicit L2 knowledge, gain scores from pre- to immediate posttest, from pre- to delayed posttest and from immediate to delayed posttest were calculated.

Explicit L2 knowledge. A similar scoring procedure was followed for measuring explicit L2 knowledge but this time the responses to the untimed GJT were used. Again, total scores and separate scores for the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences were calculated. To measure acquisition of explicit L2 knowledge gain scores from pre- to immediate posttest, from pre- to delayed posttest and from immediate to delayed posttest were calculated.

Control items. Learners’ responses to the 30 items in the GJTs that did not contain the target structure were used as the control items in this study. Total scores on these items together with scores for the grammatical and ungrammatical items separately were calculated. Gain scores were then computed.

As participants in the study completed multiple treatments and tests, repeated measures analysis of variance models (ANOVAs) were used to investigate group differences. For post-hoc analyses the Least Significant Differences (LSD) method was used. This method is considered liberal in that it compares means for all possible data sources separately, rather than combined. Considering the fairly small number of data sources, and considering that the present study was exploratory, the use of LSD was deemed acceptable. For all statistical analyses the alpha level was set at .05.

Results

First the results for intake will be presented followed by those for acquisition.

Intake
Table 3 below shows the enriched input and enriched input + noticing groups’ scores for intake of negative adverbs. The results show a clear improvement for scores obtained by both groups from time one to time two and from time two to time three. The time difference was statistically significant (F(1,81)=.28.82, p<.001). Scores for the enriched input + noticing group are higher at treatment time two and three than those for the enriched input group. However, a one-way ANOVA did not show a significant effect for treatment condition (F(1,81)=2.41, p=.124). A t-test for two independent groups also failed to show a significant difference for the Time 3 scores (t = 1.436; df 26; p = .348).

Table 3: Intake scores for negative adverbs.
Time 1
Mean SD Time 2
Mean SD Time 3
Mean SD
Enriched input(N=17) .155 .152 .328 .236 .441 .276
nnriched input + Noticing (N=11) .126 .113 .454 .356 .606 .327

Acquisition

Gain scores for the timed and untimed GJTs were calculated separately. Table 4 shows the mean gain scores 1) from pretest to posttest, 2) from pretest to delayed posttest, and 3) from posttest to delayed posttest for the timed GJTs. Gain scores from pre- to posttests were higher for the enriched input than the enriched input + noticing Group. They were also higher for the grammatical than the ungrammatical items.

Table 4: Gain scores negative adverbs and controls on the timed GJTs

NA Timed tests Negative Adverbs
Grammatical Ungramm.
Gain SD Gain SD Control
Grammatical Ungramm.
Gain SD Gain SD
Pretest to posttest
Enriched input (n=17) .241 .245 .058 .2 -.041 .197 .15 .213
Enriched input + noticing (n=11) .118 .357 .072 .241 -.009 .347 .127 .2
Pretest to delayed posttest
Enriched input (n=17) .311 .228 .076 .301 .052 .18 .12 .141
Enriched in put + noticing (=11) .081 .354 -.027 .296 -.081 .389 .213 .23
Posttest to delayed posttest
Enriched input (n=17) .07 .323 .017 .283 .094 .265 -.029 .261
Enriched input + noticing (n=11) -.036 .456 -.1 .322 -.072 .337 .086 .282

First, the differences between total gain scores on target and control items were compared by means of a 2 (negative adverbs/control) x 3 (gain scores) repeated measures ANOVA. This showed no statistically significant difference (F (1,333) = 1.16, p=.283). In other words, the instruction had no effect on acquisition of negative adverbs as measured by total scores of the timed tests. However, for the grammatical items in the timed tests the gain scores for the negative adverbs were significantly greater than for the control items (F (1,165 )= 9.71, p= .002) with a medium effect size (d=.48). There was also a significant difference on the ungrammatical items (F (1,165) = 4.49, p= .035), but this was to the advantage of the control items.

Next, an ANOVA was performed to establish if there was an effect for instructional condition. This was not the case for gain scores on the grammatical items from pretest to posttest (F (1,54) = .31, p=.581). However, from pretest to delayed posttest there was a difference (F (1,54) = 4.95, p=.03), to the advantage of the enriched input condition. The effect size was (d=.62).

Descriptive statistics for the Untimed GJTs are shown in Table 5. The gain scores for the negative adverb grammatical (but not ungrammatical) items are generally larger than those for the control items. Both the enriched input and the enriched input and noticing groups manifested gains on the grammatical but not the ungrammatical items.

Table 5: Gain scores for negative adverbs and controls on the untimed GJTs
NA Untimed tests Negative Adverbs
Grammatical Ungramm.
Gain SD Gain SD Control
Grammatical Ungramm.
Gain SD Gain SD
Pretest to posttest
Enriched input (n=17) .229 .271 -.058 .19 -.035 .176 0 .269
Enriched input + noticing (n=11) .218 .292 -.1 .282 .054 .211 .04 .204
Pretest to delayed posttest
Enriched input (n=17) .252 .316 -.041 .308 -.011 .226 .05 .22
Enriched input + noticing (n=11) .254 .5 -.236 .372 .09 .344 -.004 .328
Posttest to delayed posttest
Enriched input (n=17) .023 .185 .017 .255 .023 .204 .05 .235
Enriched input + noticing (n=11) .136 .441 -.136 .297 .036 .254 -.045 .342

A 2 (target/control) x 3 (gain scores) repeated measures ANOVA using total scores showed no significant difference between negative adverb and control items (F (1,333) = .147, p=.225) indicating that instruction had no overall effect on participants’ acquisition of negative adverbs as measured by the untimed tests. However, in the case of the grammatical items a significant difference was found (F (1,165 )= 15.75, p<.001) with a medium effect size (d=.611). Gains were greater for the negative adverb items. For ungrammatical items there was a significant difference between gain scores on negative adverb and control items (F (1,165) = 5.37, p=.021), however this was to the advantage of the control items.

Next, ANOVAs were performed to establish if there was an effect for instructional condition. No statistically significant differences were found on the gain scores for the grammatical items (pretest to posttest (F(1,54)=.3, p=.586); pretest to delayed posttest (F(1,54)=1.06, p=.307; posttest to delayed posttest (F(1,54)=.74, p=.394)).

Summary
The following is a summary of the main results:
1. Intake scores as a whole rose over the period of instruction but there was no difference between the enriched input and enriched input + noticing groups.
2. Overall the instruction had no effect on acquisition as measured by the total scores of the timed GJTs. However, effects were evident when the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences were examined separately. The instruction resulted in higher scores for negative adverb items in the case of the grammatical sentences but in lower scores than the control items for the ungrammatical sentences. The enriched input group outperformed the enriched input + noticing Group in the long term (i.e. in gain scores between pre- and delayed posttest) on the grammatical sentences in the timed GJTs.
3. Overall the instruction had no effect on acquisition as measured by total scores on the untimed GJTs. However, again, effects were evident when the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences were examined separately with the same pattern of results as for the timed GJTs. There was no difference in any of the untimed GJT gain scores between the enriched input and enriched input + noticing Groups.

Discussion

The first research question asked what effects the enhanced input had on intake. Intake was measured in terms of the learners’ use of the target structure (negative adverbs with subject-verb inversion) in three different reproduction tasks (dictation, individual reconstruction and collaborative reconstruction) which were completed on three different occasions.

An inspection of the means scores in Table 3 shows that on the first occasion intake was negligible (only 16% for the enriched input Group and 13% for the enriched input + noticing group). Over time, however, intake increases steadily so that by the third occasion intake scores have reached 44% for the enriched input condition and 61% for the enriched + noticing Group. The time difference was statistically significant. Thus, it would seem that intake increases along with exposure to the target form.

However, there was no statistically significant difference in the intake scores of the enriched input group (which only received exposure to sentences containing negative adverbs) and the enriched input + noticing Group (which received the same exposure but was also directed to pay attention to the sentences with negative adverbs). In other words, the noticing instruction did not lead to significantly greater intake. This indicates that it was repeated exposure to the target structure that enabled the learners to notice the target structure and rehearse it in short-term memory sufficiently to reproduce it. Leow (1998) also found that an orienting instruction had no effect on learners’ acquisition of irregular Spanish verb forms. This study reports that a very similar orienting instruction had no effect on learners’ intake of a difficult syntactic feature. Clearly, it would be premature to conclude that noticing instruction is ineffective in assisting acquisition but, to date, there is no evidence that it is. The second research question concerned whether the enhanced input treatments resulted in acquisition. Acquisition was measured by means of timed and untimed GJTs with a view to providing relatively separate measures of implicit and explicit knowledge.

The intake scores suggest that the learners obtained sufficient information from the tasks to make acquisition of the target structure possible. However, intake does not guarantee acquisition. It is possible that learners are able to notice and rehearse a grammatical form in their short-term memories and therefore reproduce it and yet be unable to integrate it into their interlanguage systems. This is the very point of the theoretical distinction between ‘intake’ and ‘acquisition, as in Gass’ (1997) model. The results in Table 4 show that overall the learners did not perform better on the target items than on the control items in the timed GJTs. In other words, there was no evidence that the instruction led to acquisition. However, when the grammatical and ungrammatical items were examined separately, it emerged that the learners performed better on the target items in the case of the former and worse in the case of the latter. Similar results were obtained for the untimed GJTs. This asymmetry in performance on grammatical and ungrammatical items has been observed in other studies (e.g. R. Ellis, 2005; Hedgcock, 1993). One interpretation of these results is that the enhanced input assisted the acquisition of implicit knowledge but not explicit knowledge. Such an interpretation makes sense given that the enhanced input treatment of both groups in this study favoured the development of implicit rather than explicit knowledge. There was no deductive or inductive explicit instruction that might have assisted the development of explicit knowledge. In fact, the noticing instruction seems to have had a deleterious effect on the learners’ explicit knowledge of negative adverbs as the gain scores on the ungrammatical items in both the timed and untimed GJTs were very small and frequently negative. Indeed, in the case of the ungrammatical items of the untimed GJT (arguably the best measure of explicit knowledge), the gain scores of the enriched input + noticing group were all negative. The likely explanation for this is the cognitive difficulty of understanding how this particular structure works without the assistance of detailed explicit instruction.

Given that there was no difference in the intake levels of the two treatment groups it might be predicted that there should be no difference in their levels of acquisition. This proved to be the case for the gain scores from pre- to immediate posttest on the grammatical items of the timed GJT but not for the gain scores from pre- to delayed posttest. That is, in the long term, the incidental exposure to enriched input worked better than the enriched input combined with the noticing instruction. No group differences were evident on the ungrammatical items. What these results suggest is that asking students to consciously attend to the target structure can actually impede the acquisition of implicit knowledge. This result accords with the findings of other studies of incidental instruction. N. Ellis (1993), for example, found that incidental instruction consisting of enriched input worked better than a more explicit form of instruction when the structure was a difficult one.

No group differences were evident on the grammatical or ungrammatical items in the untimed test. It might have been expected that the enriched input + noticing condition would have helped learners improve their ability to judge the ungrammatical items of the untimed GJT if, as we have argued, this constitutes a measure of explicit knowledge. However, as we noted above, the conceptual difficulty of negative adverbs may have prevented the learners from benefiting from deliberate attention to this structure. They were simply unable to work out the rule.

To sum up, enhanced input in the form of oral texts seeded with exemplars of a difficult target structure resulted in intake and also in the acquisition of implicit knowledge (as measured by the grammatical sentences of a timed GJT). However, it did not benefit explicit knowledge (as measured by an untimed GJT). Providing learners with a noticing instruction in addition to the enriched input conferred no advantage for either intake or acquisition, possibly because of the conceptual difficulty of the particular target structure of this study.

Conclusion

This study has shown that enhanced input in the form of enriched input resulted in intake and assisted the acquisition of implicit knowledge. It has also shown that asking students to pay attention to the target structure conferred no additional advantage for either intake or acquisition. The study is supportive of the claims that have been advanced on behalf of focus-on-form instruction (Doughty & Williams, 1998) and show shows that even a very unobtrusive focus-on-form strategy can be effective. However, the results of this study do not support Norris and Ortega’s (2000) general finding, namely that explicit instruction is more effective than implicit instruction. This might have been because the noticing instruction provided in this study was insufficiently explicit to assist the learners.

We have attempted to look at very specific instructional options. In this respect, our study differs from many others which have tended to investigate form-focused instruction through treatments that combine a number of options. While such studies may have ecological validity in that they reflect common pedagogical practice, they are problematic where SLA theory testing is concerned. Norris and Ortega (2000) complained that the essential features that distinguish one type of instruction from another have been inconsistently operationalized. This problem can only be overcome if researchers investigate very clearly defined instructional options. If we want to know what effect different forms of input have on L2 acquisition we need to isolate specific instructional strategies and test for their effect on acquisition.

It is also important to attempt to distinguish the effects of instruction on implicit and explicit knowledge. As both Norris and Ortega (2000) and Doughty (2003) have argued, the tests that have been typically used have been biased in favour of explicit knowledge. In this study we have tried to obtain separate measures of implicit and explicit knowledge using a timed and untimed GJT. We recognize that GJTs in general are controversial (R. Ellis, 1991) and we acknowledge that some readers may remain sceptical of the construct validity of the tests. However, we note that we did obtain different results for the two tests (and also for the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences in the tests) and that these results are interpretable in terms of the general finding reported in Chapters 2 and 3, namely that GJTs can be used to provide relatively separate measures of implicit and explicit knowledge.

Finally, we wish to acknowledge a number of weaknesses of our study. The sample size was relatively small (the enriched in put + noticing group had only 11 learners). There was no control group, although we were able to use the non-target items in the GJTs as a point of comparison. The total exposure time provided by the instruction was relatively limited; arguably exposure to 36 exemplars of the target structure does not amount to an input-flood. But then it is perhaps all the more impressive that it produced a measurable effect.

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